Background and Objective: Islamic world especially Shia experience some different atmosphere in Muharram because of Ashura. This atmosphere can provide a proper field for reducing some maladaptive behaviors and stabilizing religious-based behaviors in society by setting up Ashura rituals in all cities. Surely cultural policy makers wish to remain this spiritual atmosphere for other times in order to improve spiritual health in people.Methods: In this regard, Authors try to provide some practical solutions through Ashura rituals and their analysis according to some behavioral models such as transtheoretical model of behavioral change. All ethical issues were observed. Moreover, the authors did not report conflict of interest.Results: several behavioral strategies may be offered according to time of interventions lasts from Ashura rituals. These solutions can lead to institutionalization of favorable and adaptive behaviors both in individual and social level.Conclusion: In this paper, it istried to introduce the practical solutions by reviewing the dimensions of behavior changes and matching them with the circumstances of society in Muharram.

Protecting and upholding the ideology of media authorities, photo can be considered a tool for communication and meaning-making. Also the social-artistic activities of photograpy paly a significant role in communication as any other media does. The representation theory excessively concerned with media analysis. It should be noted that semiotic method gives the ability to examine hidden layers of media contents such as picture. Based on The representation theory and semiotics techniques, this paper involves in analyzing photography which represented in TotallyCoolPix Website with Theme of Muharam and Ashura (the 10th day of Muharram in the Islamic calendar). The outcomes of this analysis reveal that these photos represent Islam and Muslims as “other”, and also including a kind of deviation from the true Muharram rituals among Muslims. This set of pictures can be characterized by some features such as violence, masculinity, passive role of women in religious customs, cohesiveness and collective strength, which are become prevalent in Muslim communities. What is more, traditional Shiite symbols hinged upon these features and themes in these pictures. Overall, the concepts obtained from these pictures analysis illustrate that they are brimmed with violence which pave the way for more Islam- phobia in countries in the Occident.

Abstract Ashura rituals in Iran are very old, and much has been said about cultural and historical contents and roots of these rituals. But what necessitates studying these national rituals is the folkloric characteristics and capacities of each region, which combines the ritual with a particular taste, culture, and geography, and gives it unique indigenous identity. Estahban City is one of the thousands of regions in Iran that has a long history in the field of Ashura mourning rituals. Among these rituals, “Chak–Chako”, “Charcho” and “Sine–Dori” have extreme ritual importance and function in this city. The present research seeks to answer this question that what visual capacities and theatrical aspects do Ashura rituals of Estahban have, emphasizing three above-mentioned rituals? The results indicate that the most important dramatic and executive aspects of these rituals are manifested in the group and rhythmic order and coordination of the participants which evoke a kind of ethnic and social solidarity.

Endowments and offerings have played an important role in the spread of Ashura rituals in Iran. The participation of the political and popular classes in economic, cultural and social activities has made this presence bolder and more tangible over time. From the time of the Buyid dynasty to the beginning of the Safavid era (1501 to 1736), samples of endowments and offerings for the dissemination and implementation of the Ashura rituals can be analysed. Among the measures taken by the Shiites and the followers of the purified progeny of the Holy Prophet are the numerous endowments and offerings dedicated to the construction of the holy shrines of the Shiite Imams, the building of schools, libraries, a gathering spot for the Sayyids and conducting the mourning ceremonies. By scrutinizing the existing historical data, this descriptive-analytic research seeks to examine the extent of the effects of the endowments and offerings of these periods in disseminating the Ashura rituals in Iran. By studying different sources, it was finally concluded that endowments, offerings, and charities were very effective in promulgating the Ashura rituals and led to the growth of Shi'ism among the people of Iran.

AbstractIf a year passes in South Khorasan and it does not rain, people in some areas turn to prayers in mosques to ask for rain, then fast for three days, cook broth and make vows to give to the poor. If it does not rain again, some people, young and old, men and women, in the open air, pray for the rain and for God's mercy to come down. If the drought continues, a number of children and adolescents will gather and, in addition to the prayers of the people, perform the ritual of " Talugardani " to show the need and helplessness of the people and their demands to God. What can be deduced from the general study of the rituals of "Talugardani" is that people in times of distress bring their children to beg for rain, to be the present language of mountains and plains and deserts and cattle, which are thirsty, so that their prayers may be answered. On the other hand, it has been believed that the evildoers prevented the rain from falling with magic and sorcery through sin and evil deeds. Therefore, they have tried to invalidate those spells by performing certain actions. The author intends to examine and describe the various narratives of "Talugardani" that has obtained through field methods, by describing and analyzing them.

Holding different custom and rituals in every society strengthens the social ties of that society.Meanwhile, in Shi’a culture, Muharram mourning ceremonies have been valued semantically and create the basis for a set of rituals which gradually found diverse social functions and became part of popular culture. During Qajar period, unlike the previous periods, due to the role of religion and religious ceremonies in the social life of this period, special places were crated for holding these ceremonies, most important of which were Ashura rituals. In Nain, the space system of Husseinieh square (consisting of bodied squares and the physical form of Husseinieh) was influenced by these traditions during the Qajar period. The present study, as a case study seeks to explain how ceremonies and rituals interact especially Muharram and Safar mourning ceremonies as an identity and cultural factor of the city of Nain. Results of the questionnaires along with theoretical analysis, showed that in the interaction between the Ashura rituals and the city of Nain in terms of physical characteristics, they created certain elements and spaces in the Qajar period in Nain (Heptad Husseinieh squares) which are considered as the most important spatial and ritual elements which formed urban space and central neighborhoods and also considered as an important factor in the structure of the spatial system and its physical integrity. Also, mourning ceremonies have influenced the spaces associated with it due to their accordance with the beliefs of city’s resident and was effective in the identifying the spaces and their sense of belonging. Performing these rituals is carried out in all aspects with the role and participation of people, and as a result of the experience of this group work in working together, provides the basis for creating social consistency and local integrity in the course of holding such ceremonies.

To justify and legitimize their power the muselem monarchy paid special atteintion to Islamic rituals inclueling Haj cermoney. They normally appointed the Amir Al-Haj and try to secur the roads for plegramigos carvan. Invasion of Iran and muslem territories by Mongols and the collapse of Kharazmshahy and Abassid caliphate caused rise of Ilkhand dynasty over those Islamic territories. Taking into account that Ilkhanids were not faithfull to Islam, accordingly if was expected that they do not follow the previous policy in supportiy Haj cermoney, but in contrast they did and entered in a competition with Mamalik of Egypt in this regard. However invation of Iran by Mongols at first stage change the situation for while, but soon after the establishment of Ilkhands dynasty and they by help Iranian bureaucrats the Haj cermony was supported by Ilkhanids and they showed more tolerance toward Islamic rituals. In this paper it has tried to examine the Haj cermoney during the Ilkhanids and illustrate that why supported such kind of rituals in this period.

All over the world, Shi’as would hold the ceremony in memory of Karbala Martyrs in Muharram. The Afghan Shi’as would also hold this ceremony in mourning for martyrs of Karbala, and this has been done since the Shiism came to this country.The present article has dealt with this in two parts: the first is a short mention of the historical course of mourning for Imam Hussein in Afghanistan and especially in Kabul. In the second part, we have dealt with the style of mourning, the signs and symbols, females’ mourning, the structure of Tekyas (the buildings dedicated to mourning for Imam Hussein), and the way people hold this ceremony in Kabul. This part is based on the writer’s observations and his interviews with informants.

Holding different custom and rituals in every society strengthens the social ties of that society. Meanwhile, in Shi’a culture, Muharram mourning ceremonies have been valued semantically and create the basis for a set of rituals which gradually found diverse social functions and became part of popular culture. During Qajar period, unlike the previous periods, due to the role of religion and religious ceremonies in the social life of this period, special places were crated for holding these ceremonies, most important of which were Ashura rituals. In Nain, the space system of Husseinieh square (consisting of bodied squares and the physical form of Husseinieh) was influenced by these traditions during the Qajar period. The present study, as a case study seeks to explain how ceremonies and rituals interact especially Muharram and Safar mourning ceremonies as an identity and cultural factor of the city of Nain. Results of the questionnaires along with theoretical analysis, showed that in the interaction between the Ashura rituals and the city of Nain in terms of physical characteristics, they created certain elements and spaces in the Qajar period in Nain (Heptad Husseinieh squares) which are considered as the most important spatial and ritual elements which formed urban space and central neighborhoods and also considered as an important factor in the structure of the spatial system and its physical integrity. Also, mourning ceremonies have influenced the spaces associated with it due to their accordance with the beliefs of city’s resident and was effective in the identifying the spaces and their sense of belonging. Performing t is carried out in all aspects with the role and participation of people, and as a result of the experience of this group work in working together, provides the for creating social consistency and local integrity in the course of holding such ceremonies.

A major problem in religious studies as an interdisciplinary field is to identify certain actions as rituals in a context. The present article adopts a novel interdisciplinary approach to study how rituals are distinguished from ordinary actions. The approach in question combines several notions of ritual in anthropology, embodiment in gender studies, spatiality in architecture, and intentionality in the cognitive science, which we incorporate within the course of ritualization as what distinguishes rituals from non-rituals. Methodologically speaking, in this research, we take up the descriptive-analytic method to consider the success of certain actions to make themselves recognized as rituals. Studies show that, through ritualization, a ritual space is produced in which certain actions are rendered meaningful through the bodies of those who practice the rituals, in which case they turn from an ordinary action to a ritual action. Finally, we conclude that a main component by which rituals are distinguished from non-rituals and successful rituals are formed is the physical training of those who practice rituals through occasional ritual situations.